Reading group on the writings of 毛澤東 Mao Tse Tung

[some reading militants reading militant writing]

Saturday, February 11, 2006

a first attempt at reading

It occurs to me that Mao’s piece might be otherwise characterized, contra Althusser’s essay, “how not to read Capital.” Not in the sense that Mao provides a criticism of poor interpretations, but rather that he shows how we might not need to read Capital at all –not the book and certainly (and this is the point) not the phenomenon. Mao simply makes no reference to capital. This is certainly Marxism gone awry.

In its stead, Mao provides an analysis of the inherent capacity to struggle on the part of society. In the “report,” emphasis is not placed on properly “scientific” fields of structural concerns, but rather on the actual subjective fields of struggle, against the landlords, the gentry, against traditional norms and religious belief. Clearly, the struggle against these subjectively rooted forms of alienation require no reference to capital (both the book and the phenomenon).

What made the greatest impact on me is the major theme of the struggle against tradition that Mao outlines as one of the central guiding intuitions of making sense of the peasant’s struggle. The nationalist/anti-imperialist struggle, the “major” political movement of the day, on the part of Sun Yet-Sen and the KMT appears as entirely distant from the actual concerns of the peasants. Mao witnesses some peasants paying lip-service to these questions of “China” and the “Three People’s doctrine,” but they end up being almost a caricature of themselves since even those who think in terms of the nationalist struggle are not actually subjectively engaged in it. What is overwhelmingly present is the strides they have made, the changes that are “closer” to them.

Can there be a communism without the central attention to capital?

If we were to maintain the communist orthodoxy and claim that Mao’s “Report” is a particular aspect of the larger social-political picture, what we would have to maintain is that it is ultimately capital (as Althusser liked to say) “in the last instance” that provides objective mode of causal force. The view is that Mao is simply responding to the “structural effects” of an underlying phenomenon. But, surely this subverts the central basis of Marx’s praxis, in “The German Ideology” the central point was to argue against such claims to false objectivity for what should be of utmost importance to the communist is the actually-lived conditions of the struggle. As such, maybe Mao remains in fidelity to the spirit of Marx but not to the letter.

What emerges to the foreground as capital recedes to the back?

I can’t say for sure, but it seems like Mao ends up paying more attention to those social conditions which manifest themselves, bring themselves to bear in the struggle: patriarchy, the landlord system, legal action.

This heterodoxy indeed reflects some of my own dissatisfaction with Marx himself –to the point where it seems like the analysis of capital appears to be superficial at best. When do we ever encounter capital? We certainly encounter bosses, we certainly encounter cultural forms which alienate –but is the reference to capital necessary?

More on this shortly.

3 Comments:

  • At 2:19 PM, Blogger Himself said…

    I'm not sure why this stuff is 'subjective' rather than 'structural'.

    Mao's analysis is largely about the operation of and class composition of the movement. It doesn't attempt as far as I can see to posit as anything particularly lasting, but rather to explore what is happening and make recommendations for how Communists should orient themselves towards it. The absence of economics from the piece is an interesting feature, but I'd be sympathetic to those who didn't want to read too much into that.

     
  • At 1:09 AM, Blogger readingmao said…

    Well, its subjective insofar as what concerns Mao isn't so much the structural conditions of alienation, but what brings itself to bear on the actual lived conditions of the people involved. Structural conditions are essentially implicit, we wouldn't call it "structure" if it wasn't so. As such, we might notice that Mao's concerns are overwhelmingly engaged in those explcit ones, with no real reference to the implicit conditions. We might make this difference clear by seeing the sort of references made in Marx's "German Ideology" and "Capital" wherein questions of structure were more important.

    The absence of economics from the piece I see as crucial insofar as this is an indication of the path Mao and the Chinese situation as such would later take (vis-a-vis anti-imperialism during the period of WWII and the Cutural Rev.)

     
  • At 9:43 PM, Blogger Nate said…

    hey gang,

    Still haven't managed to read the Mao piece, too much on my plate. Soon, soon.

    This is a great post Tzuchien. I think I can see how the emphasis on a capacity to struggle would be compatible to Badiou's emphasis on a capacity for thought, and I like both a lot insofar as I (mis)understand them.

    That said, it does strike me that one can't get away from a need to look at capital and what it's doing, at the very minimum at the level of local instantiations (noting the activity of the enemy in order to win). I think the question "when do we encounter capital, don't we only encounter bosses?" is misguided. We encounter capital when we encounter bosses (just as we encounter patriarchy in/via moments of street harrassment, sexual assault, etc, and we encounter English in specific instances of English). We only ever instantiations. The name doesn't have to be attributed a causal power, though, it could just be what we call a set of relative consistencies across instantiations. That said, of course, global capital has a number of bodies that are self-consciously pushing and defending its agenda, which makes the "we never encounter capital" idea particularly perplexing.

    This is really well put: "what should be of utmost importance to the communist is the actually-lived conditions of the struggle". I agree completely (this is in some ways like Tronti, who said that the struggle of the working class has to be our starting point, both theoretically and organizationaly). But, the actually-lived struggle does involve sometimes trying to figure out that boss is up to, and trying to neutralize/defend ourselves against what we think the boss is up to.

    take care,
    Nate

     

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