Reading group on the writings of 毛澤東 Mao Tse Tung

[some reading militants reading militant writing]

Monday, April 17, 2006

On 'On democratic centralism'

Well, this is maifestly an intervention into a specific climate, into the CCP in - well, I'm not sure what year. Still, it's clearly a didactic method aimed at guiding the practice of the Party, which is in this period clearly wavering from what it should be. I think it's important to remember here that Mao is just a participant in a struggle, albeit one with a very privileged position, who is trying to make an intervention with the aims of guiding the revolution in the right direction.

The point which most alarmed me was Mao insistence on the necessity of "unity of understanding," which seemed to me at first blush to be an insistence that all people have the same ideas, which is impossible, hence a dangerous goal to try to pusue politically. However, given the context and audience, it is clear that what Mao is trying to say is that the masses themselves must understand what is being done by the Party, and that the Party must understand the perspective of the masses, rather than the Party believing themselves to have the understanding and treating the masses like animals to be herded, which at the same time in fact must mean that the Party themselves do not understand what is going on.

The following passage appears prescient from our present perspective:
Unless we fully promote people's democracy and inner-Party democracy ad unless we fully impelement [sic] proletarian democracy, it will be impossible for China to have true proletarian centralism [i.e., as I outlined above, the unity of Party and masses — I would love to be able to analyse the Chinese on this point]. Without a high degree of democracy it is impossible to have a high degree of centralism, and without a high degree of centralism it is impossible to establish a socialist economy. And what will happen to our country if we fail to establish a socialist economy? It will turn into a revisionist state, indeed a bourgeois state, and the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, and a reactionary, fascist dictatorship at that. This is a question which very much deserves our vigilance and I hope our comrades will give it a good deal of though.

OK, so what Mao is doing here is laying out the conditions under which socialism can flourish in China. It is impossible to know whether he was right about this: I think it is clear that there wasn't that much democracy, but I think it is impossible to know how much would have been enough, or indeed if any amount would have been enough without other factors also being there. It is clear in any case that this struggle was lost and that Mao's intervention, both that showcased here and the apparently extreme intervention of launching the cultural revolution simply did not prevent the restoration of capitalism in China.

It's clear then that the 'democratic' line which Prachanda is now pushing in Nepal is based on extending the Maoist logic, attempting from the beginning to insist on democratic mechanisms that were not applied in China. Of course, this makes sense in Nepal because, unlike in China, there is already a bourgeois electoral system in place which can be harnessed towards this purpose, which seems to be the way Prachanada is pushing, which also enables him to hook up with the established parties. I ought also here to acknowledge the extent to which this thinking seems to me to come from Bob Avakian, although it also seems to me that this is pretty much the only noteworthy contribution from Avakian that I am aware of, and that both he and Prachanda seem to me to err on the side of dodgy personality cultism, as indeed does Mao.

Mao is interesting in this piece, however, in admonishing the Partymen for not having publicised Mao's own self-criticism. This in fact segues nicely with some stuff I was reading recently from Stalin apologists arguing with some plausibility that the cult of personality of Stalin served not Stalin, but rather bureaucratic functionaries, and that it was they who propagated it against Stalin's wishes. One can well believe this with Mao, particularly considering that Mao has continued to be deployed by the CCP as a symbol for them to use as a cloak for their restoration of everything Mao opposed.

6 Comments:

  • At 9:11 AM, Blogger celticfire said…

    Mark,

    Interesting post. I am not sure about this one: "I think it is clear that there wasn't that much democracy" -- I am not really sure what you mean by this. I mean from the accounts I've read, it was a democracy to the Chinese people, and it's kind of like trying to nail jello to the wall to have a definitive defintition of what political democracy looks like. Articles by Robert Weil kind of touch on this, workers (atleast some) miss the Maoist days when union leaders were elected, the elected 3-1 Committees, the elective National People's Congress (which the Dalai Llama served in for a while) etc.

    I suppose if you mean political competition as democracy, then no there was virtually none. The parties loyal to the CCP (called the "democratic" parties) had a consultive conference, where they could air their ideas/disagreements, but not directly influence change. In Mao's "10 Great Relationships" he defends the existence of them, but also kind of neutralizes them from being any elective threat to the CCP.

    I think this kind of reflects what Lenin said that the proletariat will use many political forms in the struggle for socialism and eventually communism, but ultimately it means the dictatorship of the proletariat.

    Keeping that in mind, I say with confidence that China, (keeping in mind I argue for multiparty contested elections) especially during the Cultural Revolution, was probably the most democratic in the world -- for our class.

    “It should be announced that the masses not only have the right to criticize them (i.e. Party members) freely but also have the right to dismiss them from their posts when necessary or to propose their dismissal, or to propose their expulsion from the Party and even to hand the worst elements over to the people’s courts for trail and punishment.”
    (Mao Tse-tung, Selected Works, Vol. IV, Peking, p.186)

    The national election in 1953 was a great and unprecedented event in China. It indicated the participation in the administration of state affairs of hundreds of millions of Chinese, and their enthusiasm for building new China into a beautiful and prosperous country. The following article, written by Jin Zhonghua, first chairman of the editorial board of China Reconstructs, presents vividly to readers this great event.

    In the elections, hundreds of millions of people have already begun to go to the polls. They will choose their own representatives to over 280 thousand people's congresses of the basic level mainly in the hsiang (villages) in which there is a deputy for every one or two hundred inhabitants. In subsequent rounds, deputies will be elected for the people's congresses of the 2,037 hsien (counties), the 30 provinces, the 153 major municipalities, the various national autonomous areas -- and finally for the National People's Congress.

    The people's congresses will in turn elect the people's government of corresponding grades. The National People's Congress will adopt a national constitution, approve the outline of the first five-year plan and elect a new Central People's Government.

    When the process is completed, organs of state power in China will become fully elective. The popular saying that gained currency after liberation, "We people have risen from our knees and are running our own house", will be truer than ever before. This will be the greatest extension of democracy, in terms of the number of people involved, ever to have occurred in human history.


    (From "World's Biggest Election" by Ching Chung-hwa [Jin Zhonghua], July-August, 1953.)

    You've probably read those before from me Mark, I keep them on hand because they are useful when arguing against believers of the communist "totalitarian" myth.

    On cult of personality, I must defend Prachanda. For one, Prachanda has said flatly he doesn't plan to be the leader (or permenant leader) of the future socialist state. Avakian has the opposite. Prachanda is really fighting a People's War and the danger against his life is 10 fold over Avakians, so the objective need for cult exists more (even though I am totally against cult of personalities) but they emerge during times of repression.

    Avakians developed during the Deng trials, but if you read his memiors, his exile was largely self-imposed. If the US really wanted to go get Avakian, they would.

    So even though I entirely disagree with the cult of personality, I think there is a difference between the two.

     
  • At 9:23 AM, Blogger celticfire said…

    Got sidetracked, sorry.

    Mao's "On Democratic Centralism" isn't so much a formal guide line, which existed in the Party constitution but a way of practicing the mass line. The talk (Talk at Enlarged Central Work Conference, January 30, 1962) was really an attack buracratic centralism some Party members were carrying (many who would become or were already full blown revisionists) and Mao's mentions this with his "If you don't let the masses speak..." comments. He asserts repeatedly that the masses are in charge, and the Party members who think their hot-shit better remember that.

    There is even a vague attack on Liu, where he mentions the older Party members who still don't know what democratic centralism really means, even though they've been with the Party a long time.

    He attacks the one-man mangement style, and demands that leadership be collective.

    So this talk really had 3 functions:

    1) To warn would-be revisionists.
    2) To win over middle-of-the-road comrades and mistaken ones.
    3)To make clear to everyone that masses are really in charge, even if the Party has a formal position, it can be gone tommorow if you try to surpress their voices.

     
  • At 10:30 PM, Blogger Himself said…

    cf:

    two things:

    Firstly, Mao is saying in this article that there's not enough democracy, and that it needs to be increased. That was the reason I say that 'clearly' there was not enough. I am not talking about a need for bourgeois democracy and probably agree with everything you say.

    Secondly, my beef with Prachanda is calling the CPN(M)'s program "Prachanda Path." You can see why Bhattarai would get pissed off with that, because it doesn't come from Prachanda exclusively, and to say it does actively occludes the existence of intra-party democracy in decision-making.

     
  • At 6:44 AM, Blogger Nate said…

    Celt, to be honest I'm suspicious of the claims for democracy in China but have little I can say to back that up. It may be a simple prejudice on my part. I'd really like to hear what Tzuchien thinks on this.

    I'd also like to say that even if it were true - and I hope it is - that China was the most democratic place for our class, 'most democratic for our class' and Mark's 'not that much democracy' (especially for our class) are eminently compatible.

    Mark, your point about personality cults as serving the priests of the personality as much or more than the person upon whom the personality is based is really interesting. I'd never thought about that and it seems dead on. Your post in general is helpful for me in making sense of what to do with this piece.

     
  • At 8:58 AM, Blogger celticfire said…

    Firstly, Mao is saying in this article that there's not enough democracy, and that it needs to be increased.

    Agreed.

    Secondly, my beef with Prachanda is calling the CPN(M)'s program "Prachanda Path." You can see why Bhattarai would get pissed off with that, because it doesn't come from Prachanda exclusively, and to say it does actively occludes the existence of intra-party democracy in decision-making.

    Totally! And I share the disgust with Bhattarai about self-aggrandized leadership. All I am saying is there is a bit of a difference between Avakian's and Prachanda's -- even tough I don't agree with either, because personality cults suck! ;)

     
  • At 9:17 AM, Blogger celticfire said…

    Hi Nate!

    Celt, to be honest I'm suspicious of the claims for democracy in China but have little I can say to back that up. It may be a simple prejudice on my part. I'd really like to hear what Tzuchien thinks on this.

    It's good to be suspicious, I encourage you to do research on it. I started out the exact same way, but the more research I did and the more invesitgation, the more my mind changed. I wasn't alive when China was socialist so I can't say I was there, so I must rely on information.

    I've tlaked to people and got first hand accounts, I've read countless books (both pro & and con) and my conclusion always led to the positive.

    But I think it might be more of bias, especially coming from the Western countries (I assume you are...) we are taught from a very young age that Russia and China where "totalitarian". It's a hard notion to shake. I hope you share your own investigations on this with us, because if you find something nasty about Mao or socialist China, it's all the more to sum up and push forward.

    I'd also like to say that even if it were true - and I hope it is - that China was the most democratic place for our class, 'most democratic for our class' and Mark's 'not that much democracy' (especially for our class) are eminently compatible.

    When I say most democratic for our class at that time, that doesn't necessarilly mean desirable now. From my own analysis of the one-party state + cult of personality is a clear recipe for revisionism.
    So, yes, I think there should be much more political agency among the masses, I think there should be multiple parties, contested elections, recall rights, open debates, coherent factions in the Party itself, etc. It isn't bourgeois-liberalism when its in the service of building socialism, but a lot of MLMists have old ideas about this, and any deviation from the old way (to them) is bourgeois liberalism, or econocism, or outright revisionism.

    But none of this changes the political reality that existed in China. I stand by my comment that is was the most democratic for country at that time, and if Nepal wins, chances are it will be the next one.

    Now, as a side note, I had a discussion about the Revolutionary Committees during the Cultural Revolution. It was asserted by a person that the army really controlled them, and the rest was just fluff.

    For one thing, in many cases it simply wasn't "the army" at all. At the workplace level it was members of the local militia, who, like the other two segments, were elected and subject to immediate recall at any time and were generally unarmed when performing their RC responsibilities.

    Secondly, the Committee wasn't as a bloc responsible for all the day to day operations of the work place. The three segments actually had rotating responsibilities: Administration, dialoguing with and addressing the worker's concerns and problems (the Complaint Department I guess you could call it), and engagement in actual productive labor. So, for example, one week the militia would be in charge of administration, the worker segment would man the CD, and the party cadre would work alongside the workers for their normal hours in the factory.

    This constantly shifted and rotated so it was supposed to be a proof against beurocratization. Sure, the cadre and militia could "lord it over" the workers, and do ridiculous things like cutting pay and raising hours, but...

    A: They could simply be kicked off the committee
    B: They'd have to deal with those changes themselves once their functions rotated to the "actually working" part
    C: The worker portion could just reverse their decision when they took over administrative tasks.

    At the provincial levels, the military portion did indeed come from the army and was appointed from above. But at the lower levels it seemed more like an attempt to align the interests of the cadre and militia/military more closely with that of the workers and prevent another crusty, entrenched beuracratic class with interests above and apart from the workers from forming.

     

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